By Miljan Vešović
As said many times, Montenegro is currently in great danger. Its statehood, national identity and foreign policy orientation are under strong attack. Most of times, it seems that no one is defending them. The threat of “new 1918” is very real, very tangible and grows more menacing by the day.
One of the reasons why this is so is the fact that political parties and organizations that led the pro-independence campaign in 2006 lose voters by the day. In the latest parliamentary elections, held in June 2023, these parties won roughly half of the vote share they had in 2020 elections, which they lost.
Somehow, these parties presented the 2023 result as a moderate success. It was not. Losing 4 elections in a row and half your voters in 3.5 years can only be described in these two words – abject failure.
There are many causes of this failure. However, one of the most important ones is utterly neglected. The campaign platform upon which pro-independence, pro-Western parties run in elections has stayed pretty much the same since 2006. It is based on a brand of patriotic rhetoric that was on point in 2006, but outdated in 2024. It is time for a new narrative and new political forces based on that. This article endeavors to present outlines of that narrative.
Firstly, and most importantly –every single ethnic group in Montenegro has a political party that represents its interests and safeguards its national identity, except Montenegrins. This needs to change. There has to be a political party that, while open for all ethnicities, has a primary goal to cater for interests of Montenegrins. With all due respect – unlike any other ethnicity in Montenegro, Montenegrins are only ones who don’t have a “spare state”. Serbs have Serbia, Bosnians have Bosnia, Croats Croatia and Albanians Albania and Kosovo. If Montenegro loses its statehood, Montenegrins are the only ones that have nowhere to turn to.
Furthermore, these new political forces should fortify these aspects of Montenegrin identity that are relevant today and that are not based on events that are no longer in living memory of Montenegrin citizens. This is not a call to reject history –Montenegrins should cherish it, and be proud of it. However, patriotism and national identity cannot be based solely on what happened long ago. Montenegrins need to rediscover the beauty of May 21st 2006 and fall in love in it again. The fact that, with all the problems we had, the life between 2006-2024 has been better than any time before needs to be stated and restated. Corrosive nostalgia and biased glorification of socialist Yugoslavia need to stop.
The pro-Western orientation of Montenegro must be the cornerstone of Montenegrin patriotism. The voters of Montenegro, by and large, did not vote for restoration of statehood of Montenegro in order to “right historic wrongs” or “stand on the side of oppressed against the oppressors” They voted for independent Montenegro because they wanted to run their own show, because they assumed (rightly) it would lead to better life and because they wanted to became a part of the West. Therefore, promotion of Euro Atlanticism and affiliated policies and values for Montenegrins should not only be a political orientation, but a part of who they are. Independent Montenegro could only exist as pro-Western – if it is not, it will not be independent. Unfortunately, pro-independence political forces, (truth be told, partially due to wrong Western approach towards Balkans based on appeasing Serbia) have started forgetting that. That must not be allowed to happen.
In fighting for their interests, Montenegrins need to stop being nice. What does this mean? Firstly, current political climate in Montenegro is one for carnivores, not herbivores. Pro-Russian and pro-Serbian political parties and Serbian Orthodox Church are playing for keeps –they want Montenegro gone as a state and Montenegrin national identity annulled. As simple as that. Therefore – every single attempt to endanger Montenegrin national identity should be met with protests and civil disobedience. When the mayor of Niksic gives the finger to Montenegrin national anthem, when eminent Montenegrin scholars are persecuted for criticizing SOC, when President of Parliament of Montenegro refuses to display Montenegrin flag on official occasions – our voices need to be heard, not only in media, but on the streets and in very places such transgressions occur. The “Spirit of Belveder” needs to be reignited again.
All this is still not happening. Pro-independence political parties stick to “pacifist” approach, in a misplaced hope that the government coalition may split and they can enter the government. The media space is controlled by pro-Serbian and pro-Russian outlets anyway. The intellectual scene is in even worse state – a little new emanated from there since 2006. Unable to change old habits or escape the coziness of armchair left-wing punditry, Montenegrin opinion - makers cling to decades-old narratives not many people care about anymore. They combine that, however, with a hefty dose of ideologic blindness and vanity –for some of them, it seems more important to stay true to post – modern, anti – Western narratives of Foucault, Lacan or Frankfurt School (with an added value of showing the public how well-read, sophisticated and “intellectual” they are) than to save a country.
Structuralism, post-modernism orMarxism will not save our country. Nor will the long dead Josip Broz Tito and his equally long dead partisans. Nor will the delusional hope that being quiet and acting only “within institutions” will result in pro-Serbian and pro-Russian parties (or select members of these) having an epiphany and bringing independentist parties back to coalition government. Unfortunately, no one respects Montenegrin patriots anymore. We are out of power, out of institutions, and increasingly a butt of political jokes. Montenegrin patriots need to regain respect – and we will only be respected if we are feared. Once it is demonstrated to both political opponents and Western allies that every single attempt to degrade and destroy Montenegrin identity will be met with massive civil disobedience and cause significant problems – the fear will be back, and so will the respect.
Again, the “Spirit of Belveder” should be the guiding light here. As should the speech of US President Biden after ordering withdrawal of US soldiers from Afghanistan. When asked why he did that, one of Biden’s responses was – if Afghans do not want to fight for themselves against the Taliban, US Army cannot save them. Same thing applies to Montenegro – if Montenegrins don’t want to defend their freedom, their independent state and their identity against attacks, we shouldn’t expect the West to finish the job for us. Montenegrins need to be the first, and the loudest in defending these things. This should be the primary task of new political forces promoting interests of Montenegrins.Only then should Montenegrins rightfully expect the West to step in and help, and criticize it if it doesn’t.
One of the key questions for survival and defense of Montenegro, Montenegrins and their identity is who should be the citizen of Montenegro. In the past 30 years, Montenegro has admitted a huge number of refugees and temporarily displaced persons from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Kosovo, as well as immigrants from Turkey (after coup attempt in that country in 2015), Russia and Ukraine (after Russian aggression in February 2022). Admitting refugees and helping people in need is a humane thing to do.
However, a big mistake was made when Montenegrin citizenship was given almost indiscriminately to people who opted to stay in Montenegro even after wars in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo had been long over. This altered not only ethnic composition of Montenegro, but its electorate, which is a far bigger problem. On the other hand, large swaths of Montenegrin diaspora in the West, people who helped Montenegro many times, are not eligible for Montenegrin citizenship.
This is not an attempt to stoke xenophobia.
However, it is not normal that people whom Montenegro saved from war and destruction get the right to vote in Montenegro, only to then use it to vote for annulment of Montenegro and its national identity. It is not normal that, every time there is an election, caravans of cars and busses cross Montenegrin borders from Bosnia and Serbia, vote (illegally) for pro-Serbian and pro-Russian parties and then go back to their home countries. It is not normal that, for example, Milos Raonic doesn’t have Montenegrin citizenship, but Vesna Bratic does. None of this is normal, and Montenegrins should strive to put an end to this.
How do we do that? Well, it is extremely hard. Stricter border controls, especially during election times in Montenegro, are the necessary first step. Organization of nationwide protests if the ruling coalition attempts to amend Law on Citizenship in order to allow Serbian citizens of Montenegrin origin to vote in Montenegro, or denaturalize Montenegrin diaspora living in the West – another necessary step. However, this is not enough. Montenegrins should advocate for their own changes to the Law on Citizenship. These changes should include the wholesale investigation and evaluation who got Montenegrin citizenship (and right to vote) after 2006, whether these new citizens committed any criminal acts or acts against Montenegro, its sovereignty and national identity after acquiring citizenship and, consequently – who should keep the citizenship.
Again – the path towards this goal is treacherous, fraught with legal and political challenges. But it can be done. And there is nothing anti – democratic or anti – human rights about it. A good example how it can be done is the country with perhaps the longest democratic and human rights tradition in the world – United Kingdom. In 2006, United Kingdom adopted the Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Act. Among other things, the act specifies that the Home Secretary can revoke British nationality if the Secretary is satisfied that such deprivation is conducive to the public good. This include the cases when naturalized British citizens were deemed threats to national security. Furthermore, the said British law allows denaturalization of naturalized British citizens if the Home Secretary believes they could acquire citizenship of another country.
This is exactly what Montenegro needs – a law that would enable it to investigate who was given citizenship, under what circumstances, how these naturalized citizens acted after they were given citizenship and whether they can receive citizenship of their countries of origin now when the war is long over. Naturally, this does not mean that every refugee or displaced person from Bosnia, Croatia, Kosovo or Ukraine who was awarded Montenegrin citizenship should be stripped of it.Most of them are hard-working, law-abiding people who contribute to Montenegro’s well-being every day. But the legal and institutional mechanism for denaturalization should be in place, to be used if and when the need arises.
Another extremely important question that needs to be tackled is the church question. Montenegro and its identity are incomplete without an autocephalous orthodox church in Montenegro. The question is, however – how to get there. The approach favored by former President Djukanovic and his then ruling coalition – cozying up to (now late) Metropolitan Amfilohije hoping that he would one day achieve the autonomy of orthodox church in Montenegro from Serbian Orthodox Church, while simultaneously trying to make churches and monasteries in Montenegro not build by SOC accessible to all churchgoers by transferring them under state control – proved unsuccessful. SOC friendly parties won the elections, formed three successive governments and SOC and Government of Montenegro signed the so called “Basic Framework Agreement” which delivered absolutely everything SOC wanted.
Unfortunately, Montenegrins need to accept the fact that SOC “won the first round” and now has political as well as legal momentum on its side. Moreover, every political force in Montenegro needs to understand that in the last decades religion has become an important part of life for a considerable number, perhaps even the majority of Montenegrin voters. Pro-independence/pro-Western parties and affiliated public opinion makers in Montenegro made a big mistake by minimizing or even making jokes/being condescending about the importance of religion. Montenegro needs its churchgoers and religious people to embrace patriotism again.
How is that done? Montenegrin Orthodox Church has been restored in 1993. Ever since then, it has been neglected by pro-independence political parties in Montenegro and successive government cabinets they formed. Now, and as a consequence, this religious community is in a sorry state indeed – recent events in Cetinje only proved so. However, it can be strengthened. First step – the MOC itself needs to get its house in order and appoint leadership whose legitimacy is without question.
Secondly, Montenegrin patriots, at home and abroad, should help it to became well established everywhere in Montenegro. Instead of protracted discussions about who holds the right to “old” churches and monasteries (where SOC has the upper hand) – why not try to achieve a very workable goal – ensuring that every municipality in Montenegro has an MOC parish, with affiliated church and clergy. Once MOC becomes a respected religious institution, it will be easier to attract churchgoers or to negotiate with ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople about formal recognition of autocephaly (like Ukrainians did). One thing that pro-Montenegrin and pro-Western forces in Montenegro should not do is reject the church, religion or conservatism inspired by it a priori in a futile, delusional attempt to present themselves as “urban”, “cosmopolitan” or “above it all”. This approach loses elections, as well as any hope that orthodox church in Montenegro can be independent. This approach needs to change.
The broader discussion about internal and foreign policy positions that could and should be taken by patriotic, pro – Western political forces in Montenegro is beyond the scope of this article. After all, our modest aim is to give general ideas and highlight important topics – not write a program for a new political party. However, there are two things that need further attention.
Firstly, in foreign policy, it needs to be stated again – independent Montenegro and Montenegrin patriotism do not exist without their pro-Western orientation. Therefore, upholding our NATO commitments and supporting NATO allies is a must. When it comes to European Union – we need to recognize the fact that Montenegro either won’t join it at all, or won’t join it for a long time. And while carrying out reforms in order to be ready for membership should be continued, certain foreign policy adjustments should be made in order to take into account the fact that we may not join, or may wait long. This means developing even stronger ties with non-EU NATO allies like USA, UK and Canada, as well as with regional NATO allies such as Croatia and Albania. This also means putting national interest first – even if Brussels administration requests us to do otherwise.
In internal policy, what voters want is the end of so-called “partitocracy”. Here the truth needs to be told and confronted –partitocracy, and huge, bloated public administration has been the “original sin” of Montenegro – favored by both pro-independence/pro – Western and pro – Serbian/pro – Russian political parties. It is in the interest of every political party to keep public administration unnecessarily large, so that it can reward its members and voters with positions within it once parties enter government. This practice needs to change, and more importantly – voters want it to change. The way to do it is to advocate for a reform of public administration which will trim it down and professionalize it. The electorate expected that to happen many times and through successive changes of government – they were let down every single time. If they can be convinced that there are political forces that are serious about doing it – it can be a huge advantage for such forces.
Secondly, the sentences in Montenegrin Criminal Law are criminally lenient. Opinion polls show that voters favor harsher sentences for crimes such as murder (especially femicide or murder of children), rape, pedophilia or domestic violence. Moreover, toughening the sentencing is a way to combat organized crime as well–mafia members and associated will think twice if they know they can spend decades in prison for mob affiliation. This is the way to fight organized crime systemically – instead through highly publicized and self – promotional but hugely inefficient and unsuccessful scattershot “catch and release” approach favored by previous (Abazovic’s) government.
Whatever Montenegrin patriots do, one thing is clear – there should be no dithering, no “soft” approach and no political correctness. We need to be loud, clear, always visible and uncompromising in our convictions. This is the only way to be respected by voters and Western partners and be (politically, of course) feared by opponents. And it is true – such approach would definitely cause renewed propaganda about “Montenegrin nationalism”. Even this article can cause that.
However, we shouldn’t care about that – our opponents want Montenegro and its identity to not exist. Fake mantra about “Montenegrin nationalism” is a mean to make that happen. Therefore, whatever we do, we will be accused of Montenegrin nationalism. When the situation is like that – Montenegrin patriotic political forces may as well use it to put national interests of Montenegro and Montenegrins first and start defending them for real. Our country is in danger, our identity is denied – it is high time to fight back.
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